**GOV 001 — Elements of Government**
**Q1(a).** Define Sovereignty. [5 Marks]
**Q1(b).** Explain five types of Sovereignty. [10 Marks]
**Q2(a).** Identify five main organs of ECOWAS. [5 Marks]
**Q2(b).** Discuss five major problems confronting ECOWAS. [10 Marks]
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**GOV 002 — Fundamentals of Government**
**Q3.** Discuss five objectives of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC). [15 Marks]
**Q4(a).** What is an Electoral System? [5 Marks]
**Q4(b).** Explain five benefits of a good electoral system. [10 Marks]
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**GOV 003 — Nigerian Government and Politics**
**Q5(a).** Define Citizenship. [3 Marks]
**Q5(b).** Explain four processes of acquiring citizenship in Nigeria. [12 Marks]
**Q6(a).** Define an International Organisation. [5 Marks]
**Q6(b).** Discuss five roles of international organisations. [10 Marks]
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**GOV 004 — African Government and Politics**
**Q7.** Discuss five features of the Presidential System of Government in Nigeria. [15 Marks]
**Q8(a).** What is a coup d'état? [5 Marks]
**Q8(b).** Discuss five justifications advanced for the 1966 military intervention in Nigeria. [10 Marks]
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## COMPLETE ANSWERS
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### GOV 001 — Elements of Government
**Q1(a) — Sovereignty**
Sovereignty is the supreme, absolute, and inalienable authority possessed by a state to govern itself, make and enforce laws, and conduct its affairs both internally and externally without subordination to any outside power. It is that quality of a state which makes it the final and highest authority within its territory. Jean Bodin, the 16th-century French political philosopher, is widely credited with developing the modern concept of sovereignty. A state without sovereignty is not truly independent — sovereignty is therefore the defining characteristic that distinguishes a fully recognised state from all other political organisations.
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**Q1(b) — Five Types of Sovereignty**
**i. Legal Sovereignty**
Legal sovereignty refers to the supreme law-making authority within a state — the institution or body that is recognised by the constitution and the legal system as having the ultimate power to make, amend, or repeal laws. In the United Kingdom, legal sovereignty resides in Parliament. In Nigeria, it is enshrined in the National Assembly operating within the framework of the 1999 Constitution. Whatever the legally sovereign body enacts becomes binding law, and no other authority can override it within that legal system.
**ii. Political Sovereignty**
Political sovereignty refers to the actual, practical location of power in a state — that is, the force or group whose will ultimately shapes the decisions of the legal sovereign. In democracies, political sovereignty is held by the electorate — the voting public whose preferences determine which party governs and which policies are pursued. A government may be legally sovereign, but if it consistently ignores the will of the politically sovereign people, it risks being removed through elections or revolution.
**iii. Popular Sovereignty**
Popular sovereignty is the principle that all governmental authority is derived from and ultimately accountable to the people. It holds that the people are the original and ultimate source of political power, and that governments exist only by the consent of the governed. This principle underpins democratic theory and is enshrined in Nigeria's 1999 Constitution, which opens with the declaration that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria from whom all government authority derives.
**iv. Internal Sovereignty**
Internal sovereignty refers to the supreme authority of a state to govern all persons, institutions, and affairs within its territorial boundaries. It means that the state's government is the highest authority within the country — no individual, group, traditional ruler, religious institution, or regional government can claim authority superior to that of the sovereign state internally. It encompasses the state's power to make laws, collect taxes, maintain order, and administer justice within its borders.
**v. External Sovereignty**
External sovereignty refers to the independence of a state in its relations with other states and in the international community. It means that the state is not subject to the control or authority of any foreign power and is recognised by other states as an equal, independent entity under international law. External sovereignty is what entitles a state to enter treaties, maintain diplomatic relations, and participate as an equal member of international organisations such as the United Nations.
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**Q2(a) — Five Main Organs of ECOWAS**
The Economic Community of West African States operates through the following principal organs:
**i.** The Authority of Heads of State and Government — the supreme decision-making body of ECOWAS, responsible for the general direction and control of the Community.
**ii.** The Council of Ministers — responsible for making recommendations to the Authority and overseeing the functioning of Community institutions.
**iii.** The ECOWAS Parliament — the legislative organ of the Community, providing a forum for West African peoples' representation.
**iv.** The ECOWAS Commission — the principal executive and administrative organ, responsible for implementing Community decisions and managing day-to-day operations.
**v.** The Community Court of Justice — the judicial organ of ECOWAS, responsible for interpreting the provisions of the ECOWAS Treaty and adjudicating disputes between member states and between individuals and Community institutions.
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**Q2(b) — Five Major Problems Confronting ECOWAS**
**i. Political Instability and Military Coups**
ECOWAS member states have been plagued by recurring military takeovers, civil conflicts, and political crises — most recently the coups in Mali (2020, 2021), Guinea (2021), and Burkina Faso (2022). This persistent instability diverts national resources toward security, disrupts economic activity, and makes it extremely difficult to implement long-term regional integration programmes, since coup-affected governments are often suspended from Community activities.
**ii. Inadequate Infrastructure**
Poor road, rail, port, energy, and telecommunications infrastructure across West Africa severely limits intra-regional trade, investment, and movement of people and goods. Many member states lack the physical connectivity needed for a functioning common market, and the cost of moving goods across borders often exceeds the cost of importing from outside the region entirely.
**iii. Language and Cultural Barriers**
West Africa is divided along colonial linguistic lines — Anglophone (Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Liberia, The Gambia), Francophone (Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire, Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Niger, Togo, Benin), and Lusophone (Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau) states. These language differences complicate diplomatic communication, business transactions, legal harmonisation, and the implementation of common policies, and they frequently generate mutual suspicion between linguistic blocs.
**iv. Prioritisation of National Interests over Regional Goals**
Member states have consistently placed their narrow national interests — particularly economic protectionism, border security concerns, and domestic political considerations — above the collective interests of the Community. This has slowed progress on key integration goals such as the common currency (Eco), the free movement protocol, and the common external tariff, since governments are unwilling to cede economic sovereignty even where regional cooperation would bring long-term benefits.
**v. Insufficient Funding**
ECOWAS depends primarily on assessed contributions from member states, many of which are themselves economically poor or financially strained. Irregular and inadequate payment of dues leaves the Community chronically underfunded, limiting its capacity to implement programmes, maintain its institutions, deploy peacekeeping forces, and fund the development projects that would demonstrate the tangible benefits of integration to ordinary West Africans.
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### GOV 002 — Fundamentals of Government
**Q3 — Five Objectives of the NCNC**
The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), founded in 1944 by Herbert Macaulay and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, was driven by the following core objectives:
**i. Struggle for Self-Government and Independence from Colonial Rule**
The NCNC's primary and most urgent objective was to end British colonial domination and secure Nigeria's political independence. It campaigned vigorously against the perpetuation of colonial rule, participated in constitutional conferences, organised mass protests — including the famous 1947 delegation to London — and used the press and public mobilisation to press for self-government, ultimately contributing to Nigeria's independence in 1960.
**ii. Protection of the Rights and Freedoms of Nigerians**
The NCNC was committed to defending the civil, political, and legal rights of Nigerian citizens against colonial oppression and arbitrary rule. It opposed repressive colonial legislation, championed press freedom, and advocated for the right of Nigerians to participate meaningfully in governance, challenging constitutional arrangements that marginalised African representation.
**iii. Promotion of National Unity and Consciousness**
In a highly diverse country with over 250 ethnic groups, the NCNC sought to foster a sense of common Nigerian identity that transcended ethnic, religious, and regional divisions. It positioned itself as a national — rather than ethnic — party, working to build solidarity across the country and resist the tendencies toward sectionalism that colonial policy deliberately encouraged.
**iv. Advancement of Educational and Economic Opportunities**
The NCNC advocated for expanded access to education for all Nigerians, seeing education as the foundation of both individual advancement and national development. It also championed the economic interests of Nigerians by pushing for fair wages, the development of indigenous industries, and the dismantling of colonial economic structures that systematically disadvantaged African entrepreneurs and workers.
**v. Support for Pan-African Liberation and Anti-Colonialism Across Africa**
Beyond Nigeria, the NCNC — particularly under Azikiwe's leadership — aligned itself with the broader Pan-African movement and expressed solidarity with colonised peoples across the African continent. It supported the liberation movements seeking independence from European rule throughout Africa and used Nigeria's emerging political influence to advocate for the end of colonialism continent-wide.
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**Q4(a) — Electoral System**
An electoral system is the set of rules, procedures, laws, and mechanisms that govern how votes cast by citizens in an election are translated into seats in a legislature or positions of executive authority. It encompasses everything from how candidates are nominated and how ballots are structured, to how votes are counted and results determined. The major types of electoral systems include the First-Past-the-Post system, Proportional Representation, and the Alternative Vote system. The electoral system a country adopts has profound consequences for its political landscape, the number of parties that emerge, and the degree to which diverse groups are represented in government.
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**Q4(b) — Five Benefits of a Good Electoral System**
**i. Ensures Legitimate Democratic Representation**
A good electoral system accurately translates the will of the electorate into government composition, ensuring that those who hold political power genuinely represent the preferences of the people. When citizens trust that their votes count and are fairly reflected in election outcomes, the resulting government enjoys democratic legitimacy and popular acceptance.
**ii. Promotes Political Stability**
By providing a peaceful, regulated, and constitutionally sanctioned mechanism for the transfer of power, a good electoral system removes the need for violence, coups, or illegal seizures of government. Losers accept outcomes because the process was fair, and winners govern with recognised authority, fostering long-term political stability and continuity.
**iii. Encourages Broad Political Participation**
When citizens believe that the electoral system is fair, transparent, and accessible, they are motivated to register, vote, campaign, and engage with the political process. High levels of political participation strengthen democracy by holding governments accountable and ensuring that public policy reflects the needs and preferences of a wide cross-section of the population.
**iv. Ensures Accountability of Elected Officials**
A good electoral system creates a direct link of accountability between elected representatives and their constituents. Knowing that they must face the electorate at the next election, officials are incentivised to perform their duties diligently, deliver on campaign promises, and avoid corruption or abuse of power — otherwise they risk being voted out of office.
**v. Protects the Interests of Minorities and Marginalised Groups**
Well-designed electoral systems — particularly those incorporating elements of proportional representation or reserved seats — help ensure that minority ethnic, religious, regional, or social groups are not entirely excluded from political representation. This reduces the sense of marginalisation that can fuel ethnic tension, secessionism, and political violence, contributing to social cohesion and national integration.
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### GOV 003 — Nigerian Government and Politics
**Q5(a) — Citizenship**
Citizenship is the formal legal status granted by a state to an individual, recognising that person as a full member of the national community with both constitutionally guaranteed rights — such as the right to vote, hold public office, and enjoy state protection — and corresponding duties, such as the obligation to pay taxes, obey the law, and defend the state. In Nigeria, the conditions and modes of acquiring citizenship are expressly provided for in Sections 25 to 32 of the 1999 Constitution.
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**Q5(b) — Four Processes of Acquiring Nigerian Citizenship**
**i. Citizenship by Birth**
Under Section 25 of the 1999 Constitution, a person is a Nigerian citizen by birth if he or she was born in Nigeria before independence on 1 October 1960 and had at least one parent or grandparent who was a member of a community indigenous to Nigeria, or if born in or outside Nigeria after independence to a father who is a Nigerian citizen. This is the most straightforward and common basis of citizenship.
**ii. Citizenship by Descent**
A person born outside Nigeria after independence is entitled to Nigerian citizenship by descent if at the time of their birth their father was a citizen of Nigeria. This provision ensures that children born abroad to Nigerian fathers retain the right to claim Nigerian nationality, maintaining a legal connection between the diaspora and the homeland regardless of place of birth.
**iii. Citizenship by Registration**
Under Section 26 of the Constitution, certain categories of persons may apply to the President to be registered as Nigerian citizens. These include a woman who is or has been married to a Nigerian citizen, and persons of full age and capacity who are citizens of countries within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Registration is discretionary and subject to meeting specified conditions such as good character and intention to reside in Nigeria.
**iv. Citizenship by Naturalisation**
Section 27 of the Constitution provides that the President may, in his discretion, grant a Certificate of Naturalisation to any person who applies and satisfies certain conditions: the applicant must be of full age and capacity, have resided legally in Nigeria for a period of at least fifteen years, be of good character, have an adequate knowledge of the English language, and renounce any previous citizenship. Naturalisation is entirely at the discretion of the President and cannot be claimed as a right.
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**Q6(a) — International Organisation**
An international organisation is a formal, permanent institution established by treaty or agreement among three or more sovereign states, with its own legal personality, decision-making structures, secretariat, and mandate to promote cooperation among its members on matters of common concern — whether political, economic, military, humanitarian, environmental, or cultural. International organisations may be global in scope, such as the United Nations, or regional, such as the African Union and ECOWAS.
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**Q6(b) — Five Roles of International Organisations**
**i. Promotion and Maintenance of International Peace and Security**
Perhaps the most fundamental role of international organisations — exemplified by the United Nations Security Council — is the prevention, management, and resolution of conflicts between states. Through diplomacy, mediation, peacekeeping operations, sanctions, and international law, organisations like the UN work to contain armed conflicts and build frameworks for durable peace.
**ii. Facilitation of Economic Cooperation and Development**
International organisations such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and ECOWAS promote trade liberalisation, provide development financing, offer technical assistance, and work to reduce economic inequality between nations. They provide the rules-based multilateral framework within which international trade and financial cooperation take place.
**iii. Protection and Promotion of Human Rights**
Organisations such as the United Nations Human Rights Council, Amnesty International (as an international NGO), and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights monitor human rights conditions globally, investigate abuses, hold states accountable through reporting and international pressure, and promote the ratification and implementation of international human rights instruments.
**iv. Provision of Humanitarian Assistance**
In situations of natural disaster, armed conflict, famine, or mass displacement, international organisations — including UNHCR, UNICEF, the World Food Programme, and the International Committee of the Red Cross — mobilise emergency relief, protect refugees and internally displaced persons, and coordinate international responses to humanitarian crises that exceed the capacity of individual states to manage.
**v. Addressing Global Environmental Challenges**
International organisations play an indispensable role in tackling transboundary environmental problems that no single state can solve alone — including climate change, deforestation, ocean pollution, and biodiversity loss. Bodies such as the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and frameworks such as the Paris Agreement under the UNFCCC coordinate global action, set targets, and hold signatory states accountable for reducing environmental harm.
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### GOV 004 — African Government and Politics
**Q7 — Five Features of the Presidential System of Government in Nigeria**
**i. Strict Separation of Powers**
Nigeria's presidential system, as established by the 1999 Constitution, is characterised by a rigid separation of powers among the three arms of government — the Executive, the Legislature, and the Judiciary. Each arm is constitutionally independent, with clearly defined functions. The President cannot simultaneously be a member of the National Assembly, and no single individual or institution can dominate all three branches. This separation is designed to prevent the dangerous concentration of power in any one arm.
**ii. A Single, Directly Elected Executive**
Unlike the parliamentary system — where the Prime Minister is elected by members of the legislature — Nigeria's president is directly elected by the voting population in a nationwide election. The President is simultaneously the Head of State, Head of Government, and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. This fusion of roles in one directly elected individual distinguishes the presidential from the parliamentary model and gives the Nigerian president a powerful democratic mandate derived directly from the people.
**iii. Fixed Tenure of Office**
The Nigerian Constitution prescribes a fixed term of four years for the President, renewable once — meaning a maximum of two terms in office. Unlike the parliamentary Prime Minister who can be removed by a vote of no confidence, the Nigerian President cannot be removed simply because the legislature is dissatisfied with his performance. Removal is only possible through the formal impeachment process provided under Section 143 of the Constitution, which requires a two-thirds majority of the National Assembly.
**iv. System of Checks and Balances**
To prevent any one arm from becoming tyrannical, Nigeria's presidential constitution establishes a comprehensive system of checks and balances. The National Assembly can check the President by overriding his veto, confirming key appointments, approving the budget, and initiating impeachment. The President can check the legislature by withholding assent to bills. The courts — particularly the Supreme Court — can declare acts of both the executive and legislature unconstitutional through judicial review, providing the ultimate constitutional check on governmental power.
**v. Executive Powers Vested Solely in the President**
In Nigeria's presidential system, executive power is constitutionally concentrated in the President alone, unlike in a parliamentary cabinet where it is collectively shared. The President appoints and can dismiss ministers, who serve at his pleasure and are accountable to him rather than to the legislature. While the Senate confirms ministerial appointments, policy direction and executive authority remain exclusively with the President, making the presidency the dominant institution in the Nigerian constitutional framework.
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**Q8(a) — Coup d'état**
A coup d'état is the sudden, violent or non-violent, and unconstitutional seizure of state power, typically carried out by the military or a small organised faction within the state apparatus, resulting in the forcible removal of a legitimately constituted government. It bypasses all constitutional and democratic processes for the transfer of power. The term is French for "blow against the state." Nigeria has experienced several coups — beginning with the first coup of January 1966 led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu — which collectively interrupted democratic governance for nearly three decades of the country's post-independence history.
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**Q8(b) — Five Justifications Advanced for the 1966 Military Intervention in Nigeria**
**i. Widespread Corruption Among the Political Class**
The military justified its intervention partly on the grounds that the civilian politicians of the First Republic had been thoroughly corrupted — engaging in massive embezzlement of public funds, nepotism in appointments, abuse of office, and the enrichment of themselves and their associates at the expense of the Nigerian people. The army presented itself as a clean, disciplined force that would restore integrity to government.
**ii. Rigged Elections and Electoral Violence**
The Western Region federal election of 1964 and the Western Regional election of 1965 were widely condemned as among the most fraudulent and violent in Nigerian history. Ballot boxes were stuffed, results were falsified, opponents were intimidated and murdered, and the electoral process was reduced to a farce. The complete collapse of electoral credibility gave the military a powerful argument that democratic processes had broken down beyond repair.
**iii. Dangerous Ethnic Rivalry and Sectionalism**
By 1966, Nigeria's political landscape had become dangerously polarised along ethnic and regional lines. Political parties functioned essentially as vehicles for Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo ethnic interests, and politics had degenerated into a zero-sum ethnic competition that threatened national unity. The military claimed it was intervening to halt the descent into ethnic warfare and save the country from disintegration.
**iv. Constitutional and Political Crises**
The First Republic was rocked by a series of constitutional crises — including the federal election crisis of 1964, the Western Regional crisis of 1965 (the "Wild Wild West" crisis), and the complete breakdown of law and order in the Western Region. The political system appeared ungovernable, with no constitutional mechanism capable of resolving the deadlock. The military cited this institutional paralysis as justification for intervention.
**v. Breakdown of Law and Order and General Insecurity**
The political violence accompanying the 1964 and 1965 elections — with hundreds of people killed, properties destroyed, and communities terrorised — represented a fundamental breakdown of the state's responsibility to maintain order and protect its citizens. The military argued that civilian government had lost the capacity to fulfil even this most basic function of governance, making military intervention not merely justified but necessary to preserve the Nigerian state itself.